Американская военная машина. Глубинная политика, глобальная связь ЦРУ с наркотиками и путь в Афганистан - Peter Dale Scott
26. Jonathan Schell, The Unconquerable World: Power, Nonviolence, and the Will of the People (New York: Metropolitan Books/Henry Holt, 2003), 240.
27. “I never had any thought . . . when I set up the CIA that it would be injected into peacetime cloak-and-dagger operations” (Washington Post, December 11, 1963, A11, quoted in Roger Hilsman, To Move a Nation [Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1967], 63).
28. Alfred W. McCoy, The Politics of Heroin: CIA Complicity in the Global Drug Trade (Chicago: Lawrence Hill Books/Chicago Review Press, 2003), 166. McCoy’s sources for his claims are two trade books, both of which clearly relied on CIA sources (David Wise and Thomas B. Ross, The Invisible Government [New York: Random House, 1964], 130–31; Thomas Powers, The Man Who Kept the Secrets: Richard Helms and the CIA [New York: Knopf, 1979], 81–82).
29. David Wise, a veteran intelligence reporter, Time, February 3, 2003. The act, which created both the National Security Council and the CIA to advise it, also empowered the CIA to “perform such other functions and duties related to intelligence
. . . as the National Security may from time to time direct” (Victor Marchetti and John D. Marks, The CIA and the Cult of Intelligence [New York: Knopf, 1974], 8).
30. An anecdote will illustrate Dulles’s easy relationship to the overworld: “On 21 January 1953, Allen Dulles, insecure about his future in the CIA under the newly elected Eisenhower, had met his friend David Rockefeller for lunch. Rockefeller hinted heavily that if Dulles decided to leave the Agency, he could reasonably expect to be invited to become president of the Ford Foundation. Dulles need not have feared for his future. Two days after this lunch, the New York Times broke the story that Allen Dulles was to become Director of Central Intelligence” (Frances Stonor Saunders, Who Paid the Piper [London: Granta, 1999], 140–41).
31. Joseph J. Trento, The Secret History of the CIA (New York: Random House/Forum, 2001), 44–47.
32. Trento, The Secret History of the CIA, 44.
33. Trento, The Secret History of the CIA, 44, citing Peter Grose, Gentleman Spy: The Life of Allen Dulles (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1994). Grose’s biography is a bowdlerized rewrite of a long-delayed manuscript by former CIA officer Richard Harris Smith, with whom I was in occasional contact a quarter century ago. Smith authorized me to cite by name his book manuscript, then supposedly about to be published, in supporting the claim that the CIA had put $20,000,000 into supporting the allegedly moderate Muslim Masjumi and PSI parties in the 1957 Indonesian election (Peter Dale Scott, “Exporting Military Economic Development: America and the Overthrow of Sukarno, 1965–67,” in Ten Years’ Military Terror in Indonesia, ed. Malcolm Caldwell [Nottingham: Spokesman Books, 1975], 209–61). This important claim will not be found in the Grose rewrite.
34. Peter Dale Scott, Drugs, Oil, and War: The United States in Afghanistan, Colombia, and Indochina (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2003), 109–10, 197. In this same period the FBI had Donovan under surveillance, suspecting “that he had taken some steps toward formation of an anti-Communist intelligence service [on the model of] a private concern financed by oil and industries before the war” (Anthony Cave Brown, The Last Hero: Wild Bill Donovan [New York: Times Books, 1982], 821–22).
35. Richard Helms with William Hood, A Look over My Shoulder: A Life in the Central Intelligence Agency (New York: Random House, 2003), 82–83; cf. Burton Hersh, The Old Boys (New York: Scribner’s, 1992), 185. The five were Kingman Douglass, managing partner of Dillon, Read; William H. Jackson and Frank Wisner of Carter, Ledyard and Milburn; Paul Nitze of Dillon Read; and former DCI Admiral Sidney Souers, who in 1946 retired to become a St. Louis investment banker.
36. Helms, A Look over My Shoulder, 99. The two were William H. Jackson and Mathias Correa.
37. Scott, Drugs, Oil, and War, 187, 200–201. The seven included William H. Jackson and Frank Wisner of Carter, Ledyard and Milburn, both listed in the New York Social Register.
38. Hersh, The Old Boys, 301, quoting Polly (Mrs. Clayton) Fritchey.
39. McCoy, The Politics of Heroin, 178.
40. Thomas Etzold and John Gaddis, Containment: Documents on American Policy and Strategy 1945–1950 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1978), 125.
41. Scott, The Road to 9/11, 15.
42. See chapter 6; see also Scott, Drugs, Oil, and War, 1–3, 59–68.
43. Schell, The Unconquerable World, 240.
44. Scott, Deep Politics, 174–78, Douglas Valentine, The Strength of the Wolf: The Secret History of America’s War on Drugs (London: Verso, 2004), 76, 98–99, 112.
45. Norman Lewis, Naples ’44: A World War II Diary of Occupied Italy (New York: Carroll and Graf, 2005), 109–10.
46. Tim Newark, “Fighting the Mafia in World War Two,” AmericanMafia.com, May 2007, http://www.americanmafia.com/Feature_Articles_388.html. Cf. McCoy, The Politics of Heroin, 35–36; Scott, Deep Politics, 8.
47. Gaia Servadio, Mafioso: A History of the Mafia from Its Origins to the Present Day (New York: Dell, 1978), 88.
48. Scott, Deep Politics, 8. In 1982 a major electrical power plant in New York City was named after him.
49. Amy B. Zegart, Flawed by Design: The Evolution of the CIA, JCS, and NSC (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1999), 189; Scott, The War Conspiracy, 260; Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (New York: Doubleday, 2007), 26–27.
50. Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, 298–300. The funds to Miceli in 1972 were allegedly ordered by Kissinger over the objections of the local CIA chief.
51. See Daniele Ganser, “Beyond Democratic Checks and Balances: The Propaganda Due Masonic Lodge and the CIA in Italy’s First Republic,” in Government of the Shadows:
